How to Destroy a Nation (2)
©
Grandfather had
enough of playing second fiddle to the Latvian state
(though he had bought the state a number of military biplanes (I saw them
during a fly-by over his vacation home in the summer of 1938), and my father
had replaced him as editor-in-chief for some time). A few years before his
death, he went to consult my godfather, Mintauts, and asked his opinion about a
divorce from Emiliya. The legal mind advised him to forget it, as it meant that
his heirs, the children of his first marriage, might be left with little legal
rights to the money he had made or properties he had bought. The heir to the
Habsburg Empire, Emiliya’s adopted son George (his father was an Austrian),
would most likely get to keep it.
Meanwhile, the small sovereign state of Latvia enjoyed
a small economic boom. Its agricultural products: butter, bacon, wood were in
demand. The country had relatively few motor engines polluting its air, because
the horse still prevailed in the countryside. The car owned by my father, a
Chrysler, spewed gasoline fumes so badly that I became car sick every time the
family took a trip to grandfather’s estate in the region of Kurzeme. I much
rather enjoyed the family motorboat, the engine exhaust being quickly
dissipated by the winds of the sea.
By the time the Soviet Union crossed Latvia ’s
borders, I was seven years old. The Soviets quickly put a stun grenade on the
family’s dining table. At the beginning of WW2 (as I was turning eight) the
granade went “Boom!” and eight members of the family disappeared in the Gulags,
while two (my father and maternal grandfather, a former ambassador to Moscow ) were likely
tortured and shot.
The country as a whole split into two halves:
the survivors of Soviet carnage turned pro-German, while the former have-nots
fled the country with the retreating Soviet Army, which after WW2 was to occupy
the country for nearly fifty years. I, my two siblings, and mother survived, by
hiding in the countryside among the relatives of my paternal grandmother. It
was there that I grew to love the countryside and its direct ways: if you
wished to travel, you had to yoke a horse or two to the carriage, and the eye
could not avoid watching the horse raise its tail when needing to make a fart.
After surviving a string of refugee camps and
forty-six years in America ,
I was happy by the opportunity to return to Latvia . It turned out to be an
unhappy experience as political disunity heightened by extreme poverty,
consequent to shock economic policies forced on the country by capitalist America gave
early indications that the country would not survive as a sovereign community.
Pressures that forced the dissolution of what
traditions had survived the Soviets came as quickly as the first years of
so-called ‘independence’. One man (a man in early middle age) was perceptive
enough to publicly sacrifice his life in front of the Freedom Monument ,
but his act was dismissed by the state as imbecilic and his complaints were not
investigated.
Interestingly, the blade of the axe came from
the ‘nationalist’ influence out of exile. In the forty-six (rough estimate)
years in exile, the nationalists—most coming from Latvian urban society or, for
that matter, having been born to exiles living in an urban environment—were
easy converts to capitalism. Irrational denial of all notions of
egalitarianism, natural to agriculturalists, forest dwellers, and fishermen coupled
with easy and accustomed access to consumer goods produced at the expense of
the environment and countryside, became a convenient ‘capitalist tool’. The
coup de grace was delivered by the argument that Latvia was ‘unnaturally’
countryside oriented, and had a disproportionate number of people living
‘unproductively’ in the countryside.
A number of descendants of Latvian exiles,
who had no familiarity with the country other than participating in folkdance
groups in Western urban ‘democracies’ were let loose with their capitalist ways
(their own capital or with the capital of the corporations they were employed
by) on a country that had not yet had any opportunity to accumulate capital of
its own. The results were pure joy to those exiles who returned to Latvia as
tourists once a year for two weeks, and pure disaster for Latvians who were not
prepared for such quick changes, and, worse, had no support from their own
government, which for all practical purposes had turned out to be a traitor to
its country as a sovereign entity.
While the traitorous nature of the government
was camouflaged behind numerous legalistic excuses, the fact remains that it
denied its citizens the right to hold a referendum—ostensibly over whether to
forgo the local currency (lats) for the euro, but actually to deny the
citizenry the right to sovereign expression and set a precedent for further
such denial.
As I wrote in a post to another internet
platform, it is not that Latvia
will cease to exist because of this. It surely will remain as a name for a
place for some time to come; there will also remain a number of indigenous
people who are lucky enough to escape the squeeze to have them flee the country
as economic refugees. However, as a sovereign community, as a community that
yet had the opportunity to discipline itself for survival through the practice
of an economy that fully or partially accords with the principles of autarky has
become fodder to foreign interests and badmouthing of planetary hegemony
dominated by the West.
While the following link to a description of
autarky https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4-8eaW3C-XY
ends with a nearly full endorsement for globalization, Latvians would be wise
to remember that globalization today is the result of the liberal application
of violence as a facilitator to urbanist ends. On the other hand, autarky is
successfully practiced by the Latvian Senate (Saeima), where autarky as
in-house ‘democratic’ fascism (or do you prefer leeches to feces) rules
supreme.
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